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Modernization and Economic Development in the Korean Economy

Seong Min Hong, Ph. D. *

. Forward

 

Ⅱ. Modernization and Korean Economy

1. The Definition of Modernization in the Economic Aspect

2. The Changes of Korean Society

3. Korean Economy in the Process of Modernization

4. The Process of Modernization in Korea

Ⅲ. Economic Development and Industrialization in Korea

1. The Economic Circumstances before Economic Development Plan (1962)

2. Korean Economic Development during 1962-1996 years

3. The Pattern of Industrialization in Korean Economy

Ⅳ. The Success of Korean Industrialization and Government Role in Economic Development

1. The Success of Korean Industrialization

2. The Government Role in Economic Development

3. The Limits of Korean Economic Development

Ⅴ. Concluding Remarks

 

* Bibliography

* President, Research Institute of the East-West Economy & Society

 

한국경제에 있어서 근대화와 경제개발-한글요약


근대화란 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화, 및 가치관 등의 모든 분야에서 전반적인 구조적인 변화(structural change)가 진행되어 후진적인 상태에서 보다 향상된 생활조건을 조성해 가는 과정이라고 정의할 수 있다. 이 경우 전근대적, 후진적이 하는 것을 전통적이라고 보고, 선진적 또는 향상된 것을 근대적이라고 본다면, 근대화는 전통적 사회가 근대적 사회로 이행하는 과정이라고도 할 수 있다. 이와 같은 근대화 과정을 밟고 있는 사회를 과도사회(transitional society) 또는 근대화 사회(modernizing society)라 한다. ‘구조적인 변화ꡑ란 그 체제 내에서 점진적인 진화의 과정(revolutionary change)으로 일어나는 것이긴 하지만,  그 체제를 부정하는 혁명적인 변화로 일어나는 모든 것을 포함한다.

한국에서 근대화의 싹은 17~18세기 실학사상에서 찾을 수 있다. 19세기 중엽에는 개국론(開國論)을 주장한 사람도 있었다. 그 후 19세기 말 갑신정변(甲申政變)이나 독립협회 등을 통하여 근대화운동은 큰 진전을 보이기도 하였으나, 열강의 간섭과 일제의 침략으로 좌절되고 말았다. 그리하여 36년간의 일제강점기, 8․15광복 후의 혼란과 6․25전쟁 등 1950년대의 과도기가 지나고, 1960년대에 들어서면서 4․19혁명을 계기로 근대화에 대한 자각을 가지고 본격적인 근대화에 착수하였다.

1960년대에 들어오면서 세계는 전격적인 경제개발과 함께 ‘한강의 기적’으로 불리는 한국의 고도 경제성장에 관심을 갖게 되었다. 한국에서의 경제개발은 1) (정부의 강력한 리더쉽에 기초한) 경제개발계획의 추진력, 2) (가치관의 개선 및 변화에 따른) 한국민의 강력한 경제개발 의지(意志), 3) 저렴한 노동력, 4) 국제적인 환경의 개선 등 4가지 요인으로 요약할 수 있다. 그밖에도 많은 기술혁신, 새로운 혹은 해외시장의 개척, 새로운 자원의 발견, 국내정치의 안정, 외자도입정책으로의 전환 및 1960년대 교육개발에 기인한 전문인력의 양성 등은 한국의 경제성장에 많은 기여를 했다.

한국의 성공적인 공업성장은 정부가 수출 및 노동집약적인 경공업을 강조하는 경제개혁을 수립하였던 1960년대초 시작되었다. 정부는 화폐개혁을 단행하였고, 금융제도를 강화하였으며, 유연성 있는 경제개발계획을 도입하였다. 또한 한국의 급속하고 지속적인 경제개발은 독특한 사회 및 경제적인 혼합의 탓으로 돌려질 수 있다. 대다수 국민들의 높은 수준의 근면성과 문자해득율, 수출 및 노동집약적 산업을 장려할 목적으로 시도된 토지개혁을 포함한 1960년대초의 경제개혁의 도입, 수입장벽의 점진적인 제거, 효율적인 경영, 정부와 민간부문의 밀접한 협력, 은행제도의 자율성 및 효율적인 금융시장의 개발 등이 그것이다.

과거 40년 동안 한국의 경제성장은 매우 독특한 특성을 지니고 있다. 한국은 1950년대 세계 최빈국 가운데 하나로부터 1990년대에는 부유한 국가중 하나가 되었다. 실제로 1996년 한국은 파리(Paris)에서 World Bank와 OECD에 의해서 공업화된 원조 증여국인 고소득국가로 지정되었다. 하지만 이러한 상황은 1997년 아시아의 IMF 사태가 발생하기전의 일이다.

아무튼 한국의 근대화는 빈곤문제의 해결이 근대화의 첩경이라고 보고 경제발전에 역점을 둔 근대화를 추진하였고, 1962년부터 시작된 경제개발계획의 추진으로 많은 성과를 거두었다. 그러나 경제개발을 주축으로 한 급속한 근대화는 한국 사회에 허다한 새로운 문제를 일으켜, 근대화 전략에 대한 재점검이 요청되고 있다. 특히, 한국경제는 부(富)의 고른 분배를 통한 사회정의(社會正義)의 실현, 인륜 및 도덕성의 회복, 공업화로 인한 환경오염의 제거, 기술혁신을 통한 국제경쟁력 유지 등 근대화 과정에서 나타난 해결해야 할 많은 과제를 앉고 있다.

# This paper was published Journal of the Korean-Turkish Acadeic Society. Vol. 4. The 3rd International Symposium on Middle East & Korea. Seoul: Korea-Turkish Academic Society. 2002. Thus its citation necessarily have to keep the rules of the Korean-Turkish Acadeic Society.

 

Date: Friday, March 16, 2001

Place: Conference Hall, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul Korea

Organizer: Institute of Middle East, Center for Foreign Studies, HUFS

Co-organizer: Korean-Turkish Academic Society

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Ⅰ. Forward

In a broad senses, a modernization can be to define that structural change is advanced generally from all fields of politics, economy, society, culture and sense of value back and the process that it sees creates the life condition which improves from go backwards condition. This case transference term, as the traditional things the fact that the retrogression or underdevelopment does, when advanced or as the modern time sees the fact that it improves, modernization is a possibility as also the process which the traditional society executes in the modern society doing.

Modernization of Korea was propelled the modernization which puts an emphasis in economic development in hopes of the solution of poverty problem as short cut of modernization and met the good results with propulsion of the economic development plan which is started from 1962 years. But the rapid modernization that is centered on economic development gets up a new problem in the Korean society and re-inspection against a modernization strategy is requested. Today Korean economy has many tasks that are realization of the social justice through just distribution of wealth, moral sincerity recovery, removal of environmental pollution due to the industrialization; maintenance of international competitiveness through technical innovation and problem of industrialization is caused by it simultaneously.

This paper aims to examine modernization and Korean economy, economic development and industrialization in Korea, and the success of Korean industrialization and government role in economic development. It also deals with the impact of Korean modernization and problems in the future.

 

Ⅱ. Modernization and Korean Economy

1. The Definition of Modernization in the Economic Aspect

Modern society is industrial society. To modernize a society is, first of all, to industrialize it. Historically, the rise of modern society has been inextricably linked with the emergence of industrial society. All the features those are associated with modernity to be related to the set of changes that, no more than two centuries ago, brought into being the industrial type of society. This suggests that the terms industrialism and industrial society imply far more than the economic and technological components that make up their core. Industrialism is a way of life that encompasses profound economic, social, political, and cultural changes. It is by undergoing the comprehensive transformation of industrialization that societies become modern.

Modernization is a continuous and open-ended process. Historically, the span of time over which it has occurred must be measured in centuries, although there are examples of accelerated modernization. In either case, modernization is not a once-and-for-all-time achievement. There seems to be a dynamic principle built into the very fabric of modern societies that does not allow them to settle, or to achieve equilibrium. Their development is always irregular and uneven. Whatever the level of development, there are always "backward" regions and "peripheral" groups. This is a persistent source of strain and conflict in modern societies. Such a condition is not confined to the internal development of individual states. It can be seen on a global scale, as modernization extends outward from its original Western base to take in the whole world. The existence of unevenly and unequally developed nations introduces a fundamental element of instability into the world system of states. Modernization seems to have two main phases. Up to a certain point in its course, it carries the institutions and values of society along with it, in what is generally regarded as a progressive, upward movement. Initial resistance to modernization may be sharp and prolonged, but it is generally doomed to failure. Beyond some point, however, modernization begins to breed discontent on an increasing scale. This is due in part to rising expectations provoked by the early successes and dynamism of modern society. Groups tend to make escalating demands on the community, and these demands become increasingly difficult to meet. More seriously, modernization on an intensified level and on a world scale brings new social and material strains that may threaten the very growth and expansion on which modern society is founded. In this second phase, modern societies find themselves faced with an array of new problems whose solutions often seem beyond the competence of the traditional nation-state. At the same time, the world remains dominated by a system (Encyclopedia Britannica, 1994-2000).

Modernization implies an approach toward the institutions, structures, and values of Western society. According to S. M. Eisenstadt, historically modernization is the process of change toward those types of social, economic and political systems that have developed in Western Europe and North America from the seventeenth century to the nineteenth and have then spread to other European countries and in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to the South American, Asian, and African continents.

Economic growth, defined as an increase in per capita incomes, has been accompanied by an expansion of modern and a contraction of the traditional sector; with increased urbanization, a marked change in the structure of output and employment, increasing literacy, and a decrease in production for domestic use. The employment consequences of modernization in the sense of movement toward the values and institutions of the West, has certain validity. There has been something like a linear, irreversible progression, marked by increase in per capita incomes, urbanization, industrialization, increased literacy, communications, social mobility, and other indexes (Edward S. Mason et al., 1980: 31-32).

Economic modernization, particularly in the early stages of development, requires transformations that are injurious to certain groups, though they may be advantageous to others. An increase in the rate of savings may demand unpopular increases in the level of taxation. A redistribution of agricultural land or changes in land tenure will meet with opposition from vested interests. Changes of this sort are difficult to bring about under any system of government, but they are particularly difficult in a full-fledged democracy. (ibid.: 37-38)

In many, if not most, less-developed countries economic development has been accompanied by a strengthening of the administrative structures and processes through which public policies are formulated and put into effect. The division of labor, the specialization of function, which Riggs characterizes as the essence of modernization, is as evident in public administration as it is in economic organization and the development of social institutions. It would be difficult to deny that the industrial societies of Communist Europe are modern, even though political control is highly centralized. Similarly, the modernization process in the Third World need not move and certainly as yet has not moved clearly in the direction of political democracy. (Ibid.: 39-40).

 

2. The Changes of Korean Society

Modernization in the societies of the Third World has not, in general, led in the direction of political democracy, and Korea is no exception. The form that authoritarian government has taken in Korea, however, has been powerfully shaped by local circumstances. The invasion from the north in 1950 and the possibility of renewed invasion is considered sufficient justification for maintaining the fifth largest standing army in the world. The size of the armed forces, the government positions offered to retired officers, the sizable fraction of the population that has experienced military service, and the equally large fraction held in readiness for future military service have given a pronounced cast to the society.

Korean Society has also been deeply influenced by the two countries with which it has been in close contact-Japan during the thirty-five years of colonial rule and during the period since 1965 when the transfer of capital and technology has been large; and the United States, whose economic and military assistances has been vital to the continued existence of Korea. Trade relations with Japan and the United States still account for over one-half of Korea's exports and imports, though this percentage will probably decline over time. A second respect in which authoritarian government in Korea differs from that in most other less-developed countries is in the heavy emphasis placed on economic growth as a national objective. Not only has the increase in national income since 1963 been remarkable, but all elements of the population, though not in the same measure, have shared this prosperity. (ibid.: 54-55)

 

3. Korean Economy in the Process of Modernization

Lee Ho Sik classified the Korean Economy into 9 categories in his writings, Modern Economic Growth in Korea; 1) The era before modern capitalism: - 1876, 2) The first trial to the modern capitalism and the Japanese Occupation: 1876 - 1945, 3) The liberation and the U.S. military governing: 1945 - 1948, 4) Korean War and reconstruction: 1948 - 1961, 5) The military coup and new economic policy: 1961, 6) The plans for the development: 1962 - 1971, 7) The oil shocks and the effects: 1972 - 1979, 8) The redirection of economic policy after the oil shocks, and 9) the newly emerging problems in Korea.

For a long time, before the modern time, Korea had been a feudalism society based on the Confucianism. In the Confucianism, the commercial activity was considered as the humble thing and the merchants were treated as the lowest class of the society. As a result, even though overall Korean culture had been well developed, the economy system was very inefficient.

At the late of 19th century, Korea woke up from the long dream, and started to build modern economy system. Chosun Dynasty arranged the currency system, and the old fashioned paddlers started to build new organizations. Economists think that era as the starting line of modern economy.

But unfortunately, the trial of the modern economy system by Chosun Dynasty failed and the dynasty corrupted by the force of Japan. At that time, Japan had already succeeded in modernizing its social system earlier than Korea and started dreaming of the imperialism and expansionism. Korea was the first shape-goat of the ambition. From 1910 to 1945, Korea was colonized by Japan and the economy was distorted for the favor of Japan. For an example, Korea had to export half of rice produced to the Japan. It means Korean people could consume only a third of the rice they used to before the Japanese Occupation. The only desirable thing, which happened during the Japanese Occupation, was that it destroyed the old feudalism social system.

In 1945, Korea got liberated from Japan. But on the liberation, the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. decided to divide Korea, and until nowadays Korea has existed as two Koreas - South and North Korea. The division of Korea caused the economy shock in South Korea because most of electricity and mineral had been produced in North Korea.

From 1945 to 1948, America military government governed Korea. The economy was dependent on the aid of the U.S.A. Up to 1948, the U.S.A. supported grain and cloth of $ 4,300 million. At the period, the whole Korean economy was related with the aid and the economy system is called the 'aid economy'.

But in 1950, Korean War broke out and it destroyed most of facilities and infrastructure in Korea. When it finished at 1953, there was nothing but terrible poverty in Korea. But at the same time, the war made all people equal. After the war, there was no richer nor poorer. Even born as the humble, if he succeeds in business, he could get respected. And the widespreader idea of equality became the biggest advantage of the later development.

From 1954 to 1961, Korean economy system was reconstructed by the aid of the U.S.A. again. Korea could manufacture cotton yard, flour and sugar by the help of the U.S.A. The products were consumed domestically, and that kind of economy is called an import-substitution industrialization'.

1962 is a very important year for Korean economy. In 1961, by military coup, General Park, Jung Hee became president and accelerated the new building of economy. To grow up the economy, he used all means whether the method was moral or not. Since 1962, Korean economy has grown faster than any other countries.

Military government could conduct the policy mentioned above very powerfully. Even though the policy is sometimes blamed because it enhanced the gap between the rich and the poor, it is evaluated as a success and the locomotive of the development.

From 1962 to 1966, the first plan for the development was conducted. The purpose of the plan was to substitute the import of cement, refined oil, and fertilizer with domestic product and to build the infrastructure such as roads, rails, and power plants. During this period, the rate of economic growth was 7.9% and the rate of unemployment got lowered from 8.2% to 7.1%.

From 1967 to 1971, the second plan was conducted. During this period, the goods like the shoes, flying wood, bag and cloth started to export. Those products were competitive in the international market because of the cheap labor force in Korea. Due to these industries, Korea manufacturing industry could grow up to 22% a year and Korea could gain the accumulated capital for further investment.

In 1973, the first oil shock broke out. At that time, Korea started to invest on the heavy industries such as oil refinery, motor and ship building, and the oil shock gave very big damage to Korean economy. But after the first oil shock, Middle Asia got in the boom of construction and Korea became the most beneficiary of the boom. As a result, it was the first oil shock, which gave Korea a chance to organize the industry more efficiently than ever. After overcoming the risk, Korean economy grew by the record-breaking rate.

But in 1979, the second oil shock was proven to be huge disaster for Korean economy. Before the second oil shock, the excessive investment on the heavy industry, the unstable monetary policy and nationwide trend of speculation had been weakening the economy. And the second oil shock aggravated the situation.

In the early 1980s, after the second oil shock, the world economy suffered from the stagflation, and it caused the high rate of unemployment. It resulted in the new trend of the protectionism. To Korea, which was highly dependent on international trade, that trend of protectionism made the economic situation worse.

To overcome the difficulty, the Korean government had to change the priority from the economic growth to the economic stability and it resulted in low inflation of about 6% from 1982 to 1988. The stable economy made export increase steadily and improved the balance of payment. At last in 1986, the export exceeded the import.

Since 1962, the main purpose of Korean economic policy had been focused on the development of economy to escape from poverty. But such unbalanced development has caused many side-effect on the economy and now Korea is challenging the newly emerging problem such as the black market, the gap between the poor and the rich, the unfair taxation, and the lack of welfare system.

Now, Korea is about to join OECD, which consists of the developed countries. But just a few Korean think of Korea as the developed countries. To become a true developed country, Korea must solve the problems mentioned above.

Prior to the currency crisis turned into economic crisis last November, Korea enjoyed the reputation of having achieved the "rags to [near] riches" dream over a mere few decades. Between the early 1970s and 1997, its GNP per capita increased 40 times, from around US$250 to over US$10,000. It metamorphosed from a largely agrarian subsistence economy into a new industrial "dragon". With over US$12,000 per capita GNP as the goal for 1997 prior to the crisis, the "miracle of the Han River" had appeared well established and sustainable. Korea's social indicators progressed with the positive economic indicators. The average life expectancy at birth rose from 60 years in the early 1970s to 75 years in 1997; the infant mortality rate fell from 40 per 1000 live births to below 10 over the same period; the number of people per physician changed from 2,100 to less than 1,200; the primary enrollment ratio reached nearly 100% from as early as the 1970s and it was accompanied by rapid improvements in the secondary and tertiary enrollment ratios for both sexes; and full employment has been more or less the norm. Advance in gender equality has also been notable, especially in policy, legislation and infrastructure terms as well as in employment and related support service such as job training, maternity protection and day care. In the long-neglected environment field, too, serious initiatives have emerged as evident, in part, in the successive upgrading of the responsible government authority from a Bureau (1980) to an Office (1990) and then to a Ministry (1994). While accurate poverty statistics are unavailable, the number of persons eligible for public assistance declined from 2.1 million in 1989 to 1.2 million in 1997. Korea's Human Development Index for 1994-ranked 32nd among the 64 "High Human Development" countries in the world.

The above economic and social progress was achieved based on twin development strategies: modernization and export-oriented industrialization, supported by the underpinning human resource development and seven successive economic development plans. The most recent "Five-Year Plan for a New Economy (1993-1997)" had sought to achieve competitiveness in the global economic environment through, inter alia, industrial restructuring, market liberalization, financial sector and institutional reforms, administrative deregulation, tariff cuts, development of science and technology, and promotion of entrepreneurial initiatives. The implementation of the Plan was inconclusive, however, due to resistance from vested interests, pervasive mismanagement and inconsistency of policy (Pak Po-Hi, 1998).

 

4. The Process of Modernization in Korea

Throughout its long history, Korea was secluded from the outside world, particularly the Western world. The country was often described as the Hermit Kingdom of the Orient. This changed in the latter part of the 19th century, when Korea was forced to open its doors to Japan and the Western powers. In 1876 Japan forced Korea to open its ports to Japan by a treaty of friendship Korea signed similar treaties with the US, Russia, Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy and China during the period of 1876 - 1886.

Korea was almost entirely an agrarian economy before the Japanese colonization of 1910. During the colonial era of 1910 to 1945, the Korean economy experienced rapid structural transformation. The structural pattern of this development was largely determined by the Japanese colonial regime. As a result, the Korean economy experienced what is known as colonial enclave industrialization. During this period, the share of manufactures in net commodity-product grew from less than 4 percent to over 20 percent. Japanese colonial rule ended in 1945 with the conclusion of World War II (Il Sakong, 1993; 1).

 

<Table 2-1> Net Value of Commodity-Product, 1910-1941

Period

Agriculture, Forestry & Fisheries

 

Million yen at 1929-1931 prices

1910-1912

1919-1921

1929-1931

1939-1941

473

621

756

923

41

133

225

600

514

754

981

1,523

 

Annual growth rate in %

1910-1912-

 

1939-1941

 

2.3

 

 

9.7

 

3.8

Source: Sang-Chul Suh, 1978, Growth and Structural Changes in the Korean Economy, 1910-1940, Cambridge, Mass. 

 

The nation's liberation was marred by the partition of Korea into two parts, North and South. South Korea was occupied by US military forces until 1948 when the government of the Republic of Korea was established. Among 1945 and 1950 Korea was in a rather chaotic situation. Economically, the partition had crippled the nation. The South was primarily agricultural while the North possessed most of the natural resources and the heavy industry established by the Japanese. The withdrawal of Japanese manpower, particularly skilled manpower, was another detrimental factor for the Korean economy immediately after liberation. Negative political and administrative factors vacuum created turmoil on all fronts. The US military government that existed during 1945-1948 was not fully prepared, and consequently it was not helpful in improving the situation (Ibid; 1-2).

Byung-Nak Song says that the period 1945-53 was one of interrupted development and social chaos. Economic development was greatly hindered after liberation by the division of the country into North and South in 1945, political turmoil during the American occupation (1945-8), and the Korean War (1950-3). The Korean War destroyed almost two-thirds of the nation's productive capacity, and almost 1 million civilians were killed. Total industrial production in 1953 was estimated to be not much more than one-third of the production level of 1940. The South Korean economy began a solid recovery immediately following the deviating war During 1953-57, GNP in real terms grew at about 5 percent per year. The relatively high economic growth during 1953-57, however, was accompanied by rapid inflation. The wholesale price index increased at an average annual rate of 20 to 30 percent for the period. During this period, foreign aid was an important factor in the nation's economic growth.

Korea's first republic was founded by the President Rhee in 1948 Recent economic differences between North and South is wider and heavier than 1980s. South Korea's GNP in 1995 increased conspicuously by 150.6 times to $451.7 billion since 1965, while the North remained with a growth of only 11.7 times to $22.3 billion during the same period. According to a recent report comparing the North-South economic and social aspects announced by the National Statistical Office, South Korea's GNP difference with the North last year widened by 20.3 times in 1995 from 17.8 times in 1994.

 

<Table 2-2> North-South GNP Comparison ($100million)

Country Year

1965

1975

1985

1995

South Korea

30

209

911

4,517

North Korea

19

65

151

223

(Times of S/N)

(1.6)

(3.2)

(6.0)

(20.3)

Source: The Korea Economic Weekly, December 9, 1996

 

 

 

 

 

He devoted to solidifying the new nation and rehabilitating the Korean economy until he was ousted by the student revolt in 1960. Under his leadership, however, Korea laid a foundation for successful outward-oriented economic growth by investing in education, introducing land reform, and completing the first stage of import substitution. A military coup, led by General Park Chung Hee who became president of ROK later, succeeded in 1961, and Korea witnessed the emergence of a political leadership committed to economic development.

Any way, the period among 1953 and 1961 was one of slow recovery of the war-ravaged economy, while economic policy focused on import substitution and massive investments in education. The emphasis on import substitution was clearly a mistake, but private and public investment in education turned out to pay off handsomely in terms of producing a well-educated labour force that would provide the backbone of the labour-intensive industries in the early 1960s. The period from 1962 to 1989 has been one of rapid growth, beginning with the inauguration of systemic economic planning under the First Five-Year Plan (1962-6) (Byung-Nak Song; 45).

 

Ⅲ. Economic Development and Industrialization in Korea

1. The Economic Circumstances before Economic Development Plan (1962)

The Japanese, who dominated Korea from the late 1890s to 1945 and who governed Korea as a colony from 19l0 to 1945, were responsible for the initial economic modernization of Korea. Before 1900 Korea had a relatively backward agricultural economy. According to scholar Donald S. Macdonald, for centuries most Koreans lived as subsistence farmers of rice and other grains and satisfied most of their basic needs through their own labor or through barter. Artisans in a few population centers produced the manufactures of traditional Korea--principally cloth, cooking and eating utensils, furniture, jewelry, and paper--. <Table 3-1> shows the manufacturing production between South and North Korea in 1939.

 

<Table 3-1> Comparison of Manufacturing Production between South and North Korea, 1939a

 

current million yen

South

North

All Korea

(%)b

Textiles

171.0 (24.1)

30.4 (3.9)

201.4

84.9

Metal

13.6 (1.9)

122.5 (15.5)

136.1

10.0

Machinery

38.4 (5.4)

14.8 (1.9)

53.2

72.2

Ceramics

12.1 (1.7)

31.2 (4.0)

43.3

27.9

Chemicals

91.2 (12.9)

410.6 (52.0)

501.8

18.2

Wood Products

13.7 (1.9)

7.4 (0.9)

21.1

64.9

Printing & Publishing

17.2 (2.4)

2.2 ((0.3)

19.4

89.0

Processed Foods

213.6 (30.1)

114.8 (14.5)

328.4

65.1

Gas & Elec. Products

11.1 (1.6)

19.4 (2.5)

30.5

36.4

Miscellaneous

127.5 (18.0)

35.8 (4.5)

163.3

78.1

Total

709.4 (100.0)

789.1 (100.0)

1,498.5

47.4

Sources: Zenkoku Keizai Chōsa Kikan Rengōkai, Chōsen Keizai Nenpō (Kim and Roemer, 1942, Seoul, P. 24) 

Note: a The breakdown of manufacturing production between South and North Korea was based on the production data by province. The breakdown between the South and North will not therefore be exact because the 38th parallel did not match the provincial boundaries.

b Share of the South in All Korea

 

Following the annexation of Korea in 19l0, Japan thrust a modern blend of industrial capitalism onto a feudal agrarian society. By the end of the colonial period, Japan had built an extensive infrastructure of roads, railroads, ports, electrical power, and government buildings that facilitated both the modernization of Korea's economy and Japan's control over the modernization process. The Japanese located various heavy industries--steel, chemicals, and hydroelectric power--across Korea, but mainly in the north. <Table 3-2> indicates net commodity-product in South and North Korea during 1939-1940.

 

<Table 3-2> Net Commodity-Product In South And North Korea, 1939-1940 Averages

(Unit: million K¥ at 1936 market price)

 

South

North

All Korea

(%)a

Agriculture

496.3 (59.9)

333.3 (46.8)

829.6

59.8

Forestry

65.8 (7.9)

58.7 (8.2)

124.5

52.9

Fishery

80.2 (9.7)

46.8 (6.5)

127.0

63.1

Mining

28.9 (3.5)

90.6 (12.7)

119.0

24.2

Manufacturing

157.9 (19.0)

183.7 (25.8)

341.6

46.2

TOTAL

829.1 (100.0)

713.1 (100.0)

1,542.2

53.8

Population(1,000s)

15,627

7,920

23,547

66.4

Per capita net

commodity-product (K¥)

 

53.1

 

90.0

 

-

 

-

Source: Sang-Chul Suh, Growth and Structural Changes, pp. 137-139.

 

 

 

 

Note: a Share of the South in All Korea

 

The Japanese government played an even more active role in developing Korea than it had played in developing the Japanese economy in the late nineteenth century. Many programs drafted in Korea in the 1920s and 1930s originated in policies drafted in Japan during the Meiji period (1868-1912). The Japanese government helped to mobilize resources for development and provided entrepreneurial leadership for these new enterprises. Colonial economic growth was initiated through powerful government efforts to expand the economic infrastructure, to increase investment in human capital through health and education, and to raise productivity. <Table 3-3> indicates the factory labor force during 1912-1940.

 

<Table 3-3> The Factory Labor Force, 1912-1940.

(unit: numbers of workers)

 

Textiles

Food Processing

Other

Total

Korea

Japana

Korea

Japana

Korea

Japana

Korea

Japana

1912

587

72

9,109

991

2,392

1,222

12,088

2,285

1920

5,422

515

16,853

2,064

23,502

6,301

45,777

8,880

1928

22,188

1,236

29,866

2,164

34,713

8,005

86,767

11,405

 

Men

Women

Men

Women

Men

Women

Men

Women

1929

6,372

14,735

25,411

6,129

30,394

6,070

62,177

26,934

1935

9,942

24,646

39,939

8,940

68,943

15,078

118,824

48,664

1940

19,640

43,560

30,716

11,075

162,568

27,412

212,924

82,047

Source: With minor exceptions these data are for factories with 5 or more employees. The original data are from Chōsen Sōtokufu tōkei nenpō as reported in Gary Saxonhouse, “labor in Korea's Development Process” (unpublished paper).

Note: a Includes other non-Koreans.

 

In some respects, South Korean patterns of development after the early 1960s closely followed the methodology introduced by the Japanese fifty years earlier--industrialization from above using a strong bureaucracy that formulated and implemented economic policies. Many of the developments that took place in Chosen, the Japanese name for Korea during the period of colonization, had also occurred in pre-World War II Japan; they were implementation of a strong education system and the spread of literacy; the rise of a strong, authoritarian government that combined civilian and military administration to govern the state with strict discipline; the fostering and implementation of comprehensive economic programs by the state through its control of the huge national bureaucracy; the close collaboration between government and business leaders; and the development of industries by the major Japanese zaibatsu (commercial conglomerates).

Some political analysts, for example, Bruce Cumings and Gavan McCormick, have been impressed with the common elements in prewar and postwar economic growth in South Korea and especially with top-down government management of the economy. Economists, such as Paul W. Kuznets, however, also draw attention to the dysfunctional aspects of the colonial legacy and find some of the discontinuities important.

It is also important to note that between the end of World War II and Park Chung Hee's ascension to power in 1961, there was a major rupture, both politically and economically, from the Japanese colonial period. There was considerable disruption after 1945 because of plant exhaustion; the loss of linkages with Japanese capital and with upstream and downstream industrial facilities; the loss of technical expertise, distribution systems, and markets; and the subsequent obliteration of the industrial plant during the Korean War (1950-53).

These circumstances had thrown South Korea's economy into complete chaos. Even if the occupation forces had arrived with a carefully laid economic plan, the situation would have been difficult because the Japanese had developed Korea's economy as an integral part of their empire, linking Korea to Japan and Manchuria.

The division of Korea into two zones at an arbitrary line further aggravated the situation. There were many inherent problems in building a self-sufficient economy in the southern half of the peninsula. Most of the heavy industrial facilities were located in northern Korea--the Soviet zone--including the chemical plants that produced necessary agricultural fertilizers. Light industries in southern Korea had been dependent on electricity from the hydraulic generators located on the Yalu River on the Korean-Manchurian border; electric generating facilities in the south supplied only 9 percent of the total need. Railroads and industries in the south also had been dependent upon bituminous coal imported from Manchuria, Japan, and the north (although the south had been exporting some excess anthracite to the north). <Table 3-4> shows annual growth rate of GNP by Industrial Origin during 1953-1976.

 

<Table 3-4> Annual Growth Rate Of GNP by Industrial Origin, 1953-1976.

(unit: %, based on 1970 constant price data)

 

 

Primary

Industry

 

Services

 

GNP

Commodity Export

 

Total

Manufacturing

 

 

 

1954

6.7

20.0

18.7

2.5

5.5

-36.0

1955

2.7

17.1

22.8

5.7

5.4

-27.9

1956

-5.8

13.3

17.3

4.0

0.4

42.1

1957

9.4

11.8

8.3

5.8

7.7

1.5

1958

6.1

8.1

9.1

3.5

5.2

-20.3

1959

-0.9

11.3

9.2

7.5

3.9

11.3

1960

-0.5

6.7

8.2

2.8

1.9

54.1

1961

11.8

4.6

3.1

-1.1

4.8

22.7

1962

-0.5

14.0

13.2

8.9

3.1

30.0

1963

7.9

11.4

17.3

7.4

8.8

53.9